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Derechos colectivos y Derechos individuales, Carlos Malamud
Infolatam, Madrid, 10 de junio de 2009
"La importancia de estos dos testimonios viene dada por el hecho de que no se trata de manifestaciones de dirigentes marginales, o de grupos minoritarios o periféricos, sino de un movimiento, como el MAS, que ostenta el gobierno de su país. A estas cuestiones hay que sumar el tema cada vez más preocupante de los castigos físicos inflingidos al amparo de los “usos y costumbres tradicionales” y que suelen encontrar el amparo de la justificación en criterios multiculturales. Si las leyes de los estados deben ser limitadas por los derechos de los indígenas, cuáles son los límites que éstos, a su vez, deben tener. ¿O acaso, por el mero hecho de ser derechos indígenas, y teóricamente colectivos, son ilimitados y están fuera del alcance y del control de las instituciones y la justicia nacionales? El futuro de la gobernabilidad de algunos países latinoamericanos se juega en torno a estas cuestiones, ya que las resoluciones de Naciones Unidas y otros organismos internacionales que reivindican los derechos colectivos de los pueblos indígenas no entraron a fondo en ellas. Es hora de que se acometa una revisión a fondo de los acuerdos, ya que, de otro modo, la destrucción de algunas sociedades está a la vuelta de la esquina, en un mundo donde las leyes de las mayorías y las minorías no están claras y donde la sola matemática no basta para resolver los conflictos."
Read the article here.
España impulsará un "salto cualitativo" en los lazos UE-América Latina en 2010 Infolatam/Efe
Montevideo, 11 de junio de 2009
"Queremos que sea una presidencia muy latinoamericana, con un fuerte impacto en el fortalecimiento de las relaciones entre Europa y América Latina", explicó De Laiglesia, quien subrayó que en esta gira por el Cono Sur pudo recabar "las opiniones y el consejo" de las Cancillerías de esos tres países al respecto.
Read the article here.
June 12, 2009
May 23, 2009
General Elections 2009
MABB © ®
There are a number of names circulating around to participate in the coming general elections in December 2009. In April I posted twice (here and here) on the same topic. In those posts I talked about the intention of Victor H. Cardenas and Roman Loayza, two indigenous and well established political leaders, to run for president. This I said, would be a challenge and a problem for Evo Morales.
Now, there are more names to throw around. Savina Cuellar in Chuquisaca is one of those names as well as Mario Cossio in Tarija and Senate President, Oscar Ortiz, in Santa Cruz. To those names we can add those of somewhat known character such as Rene Joaquino from Alianza Social and Alejo Veliz (campesino leader).
All of them are in the process to acquire legal status with the electoral court.
There are a number of names circulating around to participate in the coming general elections in December 2009. In April I posted twice (here and here) on the same topic. In those posts I talked about the intention of Victor H. Cardenas and Roman Loayza, two indigenous and well established political leaders, to run for president. This I said, would be a challenge and a problem for Evo Morales.
Now, there are more names to throw around. Savina Cuellar in Chuquisaca is one of those names as well as Mario Cossio in Tarija and Senate President, Oscar Ortiz, in Santa Cruz. To those names we can add those of somewhat known character such as Rene Joaquino from Alianza Social and Alejo Veliz (campesino leader).
All of them are in the process to acquire legal status with the electoral court.
May 21, 2009
New Decree Authorizing Expropriation of Private Property
MABB © ®
Evo Morales issued a decree (No. 0138) authorizing the expropriation of private property from those who are thought to affect the security of the state. Here is the whole text of that decree.
Evo Morales issued a decree (No. 0138) authorizing the expropriation of private property from those who are thought to affect the security of the state. Here is the whole text of that decree.
CONSIDERANDO:
Que el Estado de Bolivia, mediante Ley N° 2284, de 5 de diciembre de 2001, aprobó y ratificó la Convención para Prevenir y Sancionar los Actos de Terrorismo Configurados en Delitos contra las Personas y la Extorsión Conexa cuando éstos tengan Trascendencia Internacional; abierta a firma en la ciudad de Washington el 2 de febrero de 1971. Asimismo, ratificó y aprobó mediante Ley N° 2279, de 27 de noviembre de 2001, la Convención Internacional para la Represión de la Financiación del Terrorismo, aprobada por la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas, el 9 de diciembre de 1999 y suscrita por Bolivia el 10 de noviembre de 2001; norma jurídica que establece en su Artículo 18 la obligación de adoptar medidas preventivas contra el terrorismo.
Que como expresa en la Carta Democrática Interamericana, ningún Estado democrático puede permanecer indiferente frente a la clara amenaza del delito de Terrorismo.
Que en cumplimiento a lo que señala la Resolución N° 1373 del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas y la Convención Interamericana contra el Terrorismo, el Estado debe emitir disposiciones que prevengan y repriman la financiación de los actos de terrorismo, así como abstenerse de proporcionar cualquier tipo de apoyo a las entidades o personas que participen en la comisión de actos terroristas.
Que el Artículo 124 de la Constitución Política del Estado, tipifica el delito de Traición a la Patria, entre otros previsto contra quienes atenten contra la unidad del país. Asimismo los Artículos 121, 123 y 133 del Código Penal, tipifican los delitos de Alzamientos Armados contra la Seguridad y Soberanía del Estado, Sedición y Terrorismo, inscritos en los alcances de los Convenios Internacionales precitados, instrumentos internacionales que requieren de mecanismos legales y administrativos para su aplicación efectiva, con relación a los recursos y medios utilizados para la efectivización de las conductas ilícitas, conforme establece la jerarquía normativa determinada por el Parágrafo 11 del Artículo 410 de la Constitución Política del Estado, con el objeto de brindar efectiva tranquilidad pública y garantizar la seguridad interna del Estado, del conjunto de ciudadanos y ciudadanas.
Que el Artículo 71 del Código Penal, dispone que la comisión de un delito lleva aparejada la pérdida de los instrumentos con que hubieren ejecutado y los efectos que de él provienen los cuales serán decomisados, a menos que pertenecieran a un tercero no responsable, quien podrá recobrarlos, asimismo regula la disposición de los mismos.
Que el Artículo 90 del Código Penal, establece que desde el momento de la comisión de un delito, los bienes inmuebles de los responsables se tendrán por hipotecados especialmente para la responsabilidad civil, teniendo que reglamentarse dicha disposición legal.
EN CONSEJO DE MINISTROS,
DECRETA:
ARTÍCULO 1.- (OBJETO). El presente Decreto Supremo, tiene por objeto establecer el procedimiento para determinar la jurisdicción, la aplicación de medidas cautelares sobre el patrimonio, medios e instrumentos que hubieran sido utilizados o estuviesen comprometidos, en la comisión de los delitos de Terrorismo, Sedición o Alzamientos Armados contra la Seguridad y Soberanía del Estado.
ARTÍCULO 2.- (JURISDICCIÓN). Queda consolidada la ciudad de La Paz, como ámbito de jurisdicción procesal para el juzgamiento de los delitos de Terrorismo, Sedición o Alzamientos Armados contra la Seguridad y Soberanía del Estado, siendo esta ciudad la Sede de Gobierno legalmente constituida donde se encuentran las principales instituciones del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia.
ARTÍCULO 3.- (ÁMBITO DE APLICACIÓN). La presente norma reglamentaria, se aplicará sobre el patrimonio, medios e instrumentos para la comisión o financiamiento que pertenecieren a los imputados, o posibles instigadores y cómplices de las conductas calificadas por el fiscal como Terrorismo, Sedición o Alzamientos Armados contra la Seguridad y la Soberanía del Estado, desde la medianoche del momento del hecho delictivo.
ARTÍCULO 4.- (APLICACIÓN DE MEDIDAS CAUTELARES DE CARÁCTER REAL) l. En conocimiento del hecho por cualesquiera de las formas de inicio de la investigación penal, el fiscal dentro el plazo de las diligencias preliminares dispuesto por el Artículo 300 de la Ley N° 1970, de 25 de marzo de 1999, Código de Procedimiento Penal, por la supuesta comisión del delito o ante la flagrancia prevista en el Artículo 230 de la Ley antes citada, requerirá ante el Juez de Instrucción, la incautación del patrimonio, medios e instrumentos que pertenecieran a los imputados, y posibles instigadores y cómplices de las conductas calificadas como Terrorismo, Sedición o Alzamientos Armados contra la Seguridad y Soberanía del Estado.
II. Los bienes muebles e inmuebles, quedarán bajo custodia de la Dirección de Registro, Control y Administración de Bienes Incautados -DIRCABI.
III. El fiscal, podrá requerir la retención de fondos de los imputados y posibles instigadores y cómplices por ante el sistema bancario y de entidades financieras a través de la Autoridad de Supervisión del Sistema Financiero. La incautación se aplicará aunque los fondos de recursos financieros no hayan sido usados efectivamente o no se haya llegado a producir los actos de Terrorismo, Sedición o Alzamientos Armados contra la Seguridad y Soberanía del Estado
IV. La incautación de bienes inmuebles del propietario procederá cuando éste haya participado en cualquiera de sus formas en el hecho delictivo.
V. Los bienes incautados incluidos recursos financieros y valores preferentemente se destinarán a programas de seguridad ciudadana y del Estado.
ARTÍCULO 5.- (PROCEDIMIENTO PARA LA APLICACIÓN DE MEDIDAS CAUTELARES DE CARÁCTER REAL)
l. Procedimiento de Incautación. El o la Fiscal a tiempo de iniciar la etapa de investigación o en su desarrollo, hasta antes de dictarse la sentencia, mediante requerimiento fundamentado, solicitará al Juez o la Jueza de la Instrucción la incautación de bienes sujetos a confiscación, especificando los que quedarán a su disposición a efectos de prueba.
II. Resolución de Incautación. El Juez o la Jueza de Instrucción Penal, atendiendo el requerimiento fiscal, si existen suficientes elementos de convicción acerca de la participación del imputado o posibles instigadores y cómplices mediante resolución fundamentada dispondrá:
a) La incautación de los bienes inmuebles, valores y dineros que hayan podido servir a la comisión de los delitos de Terrorismo, Sedición o Alzamientos Armados contra la Seguridad y Soberanía del Estado.
b) La anotación preventiva de la resolución de incautación, tratándose de bienes muebles sujetos a registro.
c) La entrega de los bienes a DIRCABI.
d) Si luego de celebrado el juicio se determina la sentencia condenatoria y aquella adquiere ejecutoria, los bienes incautados pasarán a la categoría de confiscados y pasarán a propiedad del Estado, sin derecho a indemnización alguna.
III. No serán objeto de incautación los bienes muebles u objetos personales que fueran de uso indispensable por el imputado o posibles instigadores y cómplices, y su cónyuge según dispone el Artículo 179 del Código de Procedimiento Civil.
IV. La anotación de la incautación en los registros públicos, estará exenta del pago de valores judiciales y administrativos.
ARTÍCULO 6.- (REMISIÓN A PROCEDIMIENTO COMÚN). El procedimiento desarrollado en el presente Decreto Supremo, se ejecutará en el marco definido por el Reglamento de Bienes Incautados, Decomisados y Confiscados.
DISPOSICIONES
ABROGATORIAS y DEROGATORIAS
Se abrogan y derogan todas las disposiciones contrarias al presente Decreto Supremo.
El señor Ministro de Estado, en el Despacho de Gobierno, queda encargado de la ejecución y cumplimiento del presente Decreto Supremo.
Es dado en Palacio de Gobierno de la ciudad de La Paz, a los veinte días del mes de mayo del año dos mil nueve.
May 13, 2009
Latin America: Oscar Arias' Words to Latin American Elites
MABB © ®
I am reproducing the speech Costa Rican President, Oscar Arias, gave at the Americas Summit in Trinidad and Tobago last April 18, because I think he speaks to the hearts of Latin American elites. I share many of his words.
Apparently, this speech is going around the internet and has become very popular. I would have liked to have an English version, but could not find it. So, here is the Spanish version. I think though it is better to read the original version.
El discurso del presidente de Costa Rica, Oscar Arias, en la Cumbre de las Américas de Trinidad y Tobago, el pasado 18 de abril, está circulando con gran energía por todo Internet. En el mismo, Arias pide a los líderes latinoamericanos que hagan un "mea culpa" por los errores políticos que han colocado a América Latina en desventaja frente a otras regiones del mundo, en lugar de culpar a terceros de sus problemas. Arias, artífice de la paz en Centroamérica en los años 80 y Premio Nobel de la Paz, ilustra sus puntos de vista con gran cantidad de ejemplos. Estas fueron sus palabras en la Cumbre de las Américas:
"Tengo la impresión de que cada vez que los países caribeños y latinoamericanos se reúnen con el presidente de los Estados Unidos de América, es para pedirle cosas o para reclamarle cosas. Casi siempre, es para culpar a Estados Unidos de nuestros males pasados, presentes y futuros. No creo que eso sea del todo justo.
No podemos olvidar que América Latina tuvo universidades antes de que Estados Unidos creara Harvard y William & Mary, que son las primeras universidades de ese país. No podemos olvidar que en este continente, como en el mundo entero, por lo menos hasta 1750 todos los americanos eran más o menos iguales: todos eran pobres. Cuando aparece la Revolución Industrial en Inglaterra, otros países se montan en ese vagón: Alemania, Francia, Estados Unidos, Canadá, Australia, Nueva Zelanda… y así la Revolución Industrial pasó por América Latina como un cometa, y no nos dimos cuenta. Ciertamente perdimos la oportunidad. También hay una diferencia muy grande. Leyendo la historia de América Latina, comparada con la historia de Estados Unidos, uno comprende que Latinoamérica no tuvo un John Winthrop español, ni portugués, que viniera con la Biblia en su mano dispuesto a construir “una Ciudad sobre una Colina”, una ciudad que brillara, como fue la pretensión de los peregrinos que llegaron a Estados Unidos.
Hace 50 años, México era más rico que Portugal. En 1950, un país como Brasil tenía un ingreso per cápita más elevado que el de Corea del Sur. Hace 60 años, Honduras tenía más riqueza per cápita que Singapur, y hoy Singapur –en cuestión de 35 ó 40 años– es un país con $40.000 de ingreso anual por habitante. Bueno, algo hicimos mal los latinoamericanos. ¿Qué hicimos mal? No puedo enumerar todas las cosas que hemos hecho mal. Para comenzar, tenemos una escolaridad de siete años. Esa es la escolaridad promedio de América Latina y no es el caso de la mayoría de los países asiáticos. Ciertamente no es el caso de países como Estados Unidos y Canadá, con la mejor educación del mundo, similar a la de los europeos. De cada 10 estudiantes que ingresan a la secundaria en América Latina, en algunos países solo uno termina esa secundaria. Hay países que tienen una mortalidad infantil de 50 niños por cada mil, cuando el promedio en los países asiáticos más avanzados es de 8, 9 ó 10.
Nosotros tenemos países donde la carga tributaria es del 12% del producto interno bruto, y no es responsabilidad de nadie, excepto la nuestra, que no le cobremos dinero a la gente más rica de nuestros países. Nadie tiene la culpa de eso, excepto nosotros mismos. En 1950, cada ciudadano norteamericano era cuatro veces más rico que un ciudadano latinoamericano. Hoy en día, un ciudadano norteamericano es 10, 15 ó 20 veces más rico que un latinoamericano. Eso no es culpa de Estados Unidos, es culpa nuestra.
En mi intervención de esta mañana, me referí a un hecho que para mí es grotesco, y que lo único que demuestra es que el sistema de valores del siglo XX, que parece ser el que estamos poniendo en práctica también en el siglo XXI, es un sistema de valores equivocado. Porque no puede ser que el mundo rico dedique 100.000 millones de dólares para aliviar la pobreza del 80% de la población del mundo –en un planeta que tiene 2.500 millones de seres humanos con un ingreso de $2 por día– y que gaste 13 veces más ($1.300.000. 000.000) en armas y soldados.
Como lo dije esta mañana, no puede ser que América Latina se gaste $50.000 millones en armas y soldados. Yo me pregunto: ¿quién es el enemigo nuestro? El enemigo nuestro, presidente Correa, de esa desigualdad que usted apunta con mucha razón, es la falta de educación; es el analfabetismo; es que no gastamos en la salud de nuestro pueblo; que no creamos la infraestructura necesaria, los caminos, las carreteras, los puertos, los aeropuertos; que no estamos dedicando los recursos necesarios para detener la degradación del medio ambiente; es la desigualdad que tenemos, que realmente nos avergüenza; es producto, entre muchas cosas, por supuesto, de que no estamos educando a nuestros hijos y a nuestras hijas.
Uno va a una universidad latinoamericana y todavía parece que estamos en los sesenta, setenta u ochenta. Parece que se nos olvidó que el 9 de noviembre de 1989 pasó algo muy importante, al caer el Muro de Berlín, y que el mundo cambió. Tenemos que aceptar que este es un mundo distinto, y en eso francamente pienso que todos los académicos, que toda la gente de pensamiento, que todos los economistas, que todos los historiadores, casi que coinciden en que el siglo XXI es el siglo de los asiáticos, no de los latinoamericanos. Y yo, lamentablemente, coincido con ellos. Porque mientras nosotros seguimos discutiendo sobre ideologías, seguimos discutiendo sobre todos los “ismos” (¿cuál es el mejor? capitalismo, socialismo, comunismo, liberalismo, neoliberalismo, socialcristianismo...), los asiáticos encontraron un “ismo” muy realista para el siglo XXI y el final del siglo XX, que es el pragmatismo. Para sólo citar un ejemplo, recordemos que cuando Deng Xiaoping visitó Singapur y Corea del Sur, después de haberse dado cuenta de que sus propios vecinos se estaban enriqueciendo de una manera muy acelerada, regresó a Pekín y dijo a los viejos camaradas maoístas que lo habían acompañado en la Larga Marcha: “Bueno, la verdad, queridos camaradas, es que mí no me importa si el gato es blanco o negro, lo único que me interesa es que cace ratones”. Y si hubiera estado vivo Mao, se hubiera muerto de nuevo cuando dijo que “la verdad es que enriquecerse es glorioso”. Y mientras los chinos hacen esto, y desde el 79 a hoy crecen a un 11%, 12% o 13%, y han sacado a 300 millones de habitantes de la pobreza, nosotros seguimos discutiendo sobre ideologías que tuvimos que haber enterrado hace mucho tiempo atrás.
La buena noticia es que esto lo logró Deng Xioping cuando tenía 74 años. Viendo alrededor, queridos presidentes, no veo a nadie que esté cerca de los 74 años. Por eso solo les pido que no esperemos a cumplirlos para hacer los cambios que tenemos que hacer. Muchas gracias".
I am reproducing the speech Costa Rican President, Oscar Arias, gave at the Americas Summit in Trinidad and Tobago last April 18, because I think he speaks to the hearts of Latin American elites. I share many of his words.
Apparently, this speech is going around the internet and has become very popular. I would have liked to have an English version, but could not find it. So, here is the Spanish version. I think though it is better to read the original version.
Oscar Arias: "Algo Hicimos Mal" los Latinoamericanos
"Tengo la impresión de que cada vez que los países caribeños y latinoamericanos se reúnen con el presidente de los Estados Unidos de América, es para pedirle cosas o para reclamarle cosas. Casi siempre, es para culpar a Estados Unidos de nuestros males pasados, presentes y futuros. No creo que eso sea del todo justo.
No podemos olvidar que América Latina tuvo universidades antes de que Estados Unidos creara Harvard y William & Mary, que son las primeras universidades de ese país. No podemos olvidar que en este continente, como en el mundo entero, por lo menos hasta 1750 todos los americanos eran más o menos iguales: todos eran pobres. Cuando aparece la Revolución Industrial en Inglaterra, otros países se montan en ese vagón: Alemania, Francia, Estados Unidos, Canadá, Australia, Nueva Zelanda… y así la Revolución Industrial pasó por América Latina como un cometa, y no nos dimos cuenta. Ciertamente perdimos la oportunidad. También hay una diferencia muy grande. Leyendo la historia de América Latina, comparada con la historia de Estados Unidos, uno comprende que Latinoamérica no tuvo un John Winthrop español, ni portugués, que viniera con la Biblia en su mano dispuesto a construir “una Ciudad sobre una Colina”, una ciudad que brillara, como fue la pretensión de los peregrinos que llegaron a Estados Unidos.
Hace 50 años, México era más rico que Portugal. En 1950, un país como Brasil tenía un ingreso per cápita más elevado que el de Corea del Sur. Hace 60 años, Honduras tenía más riqueza per cápita que Singapur, y hoy Singapur –en cuestión de 35 ó 40 años– es un país con $40.000 de ingreso anual por habitante. Bueno, algo hicimos mal los latinoamericanos. ¿Qué hicimos mal? No puedo enumerar todas las cosas que hemos hecho mal. Para comenzar, tenemos una escolaridad de siete años. Esa es la escolaridad promedio de América Latina y no es el caso de la mayoría de los países asiáticos. Ciertamente no es el caso de países como Estados Unidos y Canadá, con la mejor educación del mundo, similar a la de los europeos. De cada 10 estudiantes que ingresan a la secundaria en América Latina, en algunos países solo uno termina esa secundaria. Hay países que tienen una mortalidad infantil de 50 niños por cada mil, cuando el promedio en los países asiáticos más avanzados es de 8, 9 ó 10.
Nosotros tenemos países donde la carga tributaria es del 12% del producto interno bruto, y no es responsabilidad de nadie, excepto la nuestra, que no le cobremos dinero a la gente más rica de nuestros países. Nadie tiene la culpa de eso, excepto nosotros mismos. En 1950, cada ciudadano norteamericano era cuatro veces más rico que un ciudadano latinoamericano. Hoy en día, un ciudadano norteamericano es 10, 15 ó 20 veces más rico que un latinoamericano. Eso no es culpa de Estados Unidos, es culpa nuestra.
En mi intervención de esta mañana, me referí a un hecho que para mí es grotesco, y que lo único que demuestra es que el sistema de valores del siglo XX, que parece ser el que estamos poniendo en práctica también en el siglo XXI, es un sistema de valores equivocado. Porque no puede ser que el mundo rico dedique 100.000 millones de dólares para aliviar la pobreza del 80% de la población del mundo –en un planeta que tiene 2.500 millones de seres humanos con un ingreso de $2 por día– y que gaste 13 veces más ($1.300.000. 000.000) en armas y soldados.
Como lo dije esta mañana, no puede ser que América Latina se gaste $50.000 millones en armas y soldados. Yo me pregunto: ¿quién es el enemigo nuestro? El enemigo nuestro, presidente Correa, de esa desigualdad que usted apunta con mucha razón, es la falta de educación; es el analfabetismo; es que no gastamos en la salud de nuestro pueblo; que no creamos la infraestructura necesaria, los caminos, las carreteras, los puertos, los aeropuertos; que no estamos dedicando los recursos necesarios para detener la degradación del medio ambiente; es la desigualdad que tenemos, que realmente nos avergüenza; es producto, entre muchas cosas, por supuesto, de que no estamos educando a nuestros hijos y a nuestras hijas.
Uno va a una universidad latinoamericana y todavía parece que estamos en los sesenta, setenta u ochenta. Parece que se nos olvidó que el 9 de noviembre de 1989 pasó algo muy importante, al caer el Muro de Berlín, y que el mundo cambió. Tenemos que aceptar que este es un mundo distinto, y en eso francamente pienso que todos los académicos, que toda la gente de pensamiento, que todos los economistas, que todos los historiadores, casi que coinciden en que el siglo XXI es el siglo de los asiáticos, no de los latinoamericanos. Y yo, lamentablemente, coincido con ellos. Porque mientras nosotros seguimos discutiendo sobre ideologías, seguimos discutiendo sobre todos los “ismos” (¿cuál es el mejor? capitalismo, socialismo, comunismo, liberalismo, neoliberalismo, socialcristianismo...), los asiáticos encontraron un “ismo” muy realista para el siglo XXI y el final del siglo XX, que es el pragmatismo. Para sólo citar un ejemplo, recordemos que cuando Deng Xiaoping visitó Singapur y Corea del Sur, después de haberse dado cuenta de que sus propios vecinos se estaban enriqueciendo de una manera muy acelerada, regresó a Pekín y dijo a los viejos camaradas maoístas que lo habían acompañado en la Larga Marcha: “Bueno, la verdad, queridos camaradas, es que mí no me importa si el gato es blanco o negro, lo único que me interesa es que cace ratones”. Y si hubiera estado vivo Mao, se hubiera muerto de nuevo cuando dijo que “la verdad es que enriquecerse es glorioso”. Y mientras los chinos hacen esto, y desde el 79 a hoy crecen a un 11%, 12% o 13%, y han sacado a 300 millones de habitantes de la pobreza, nosotros seguimos discutiendo sobre ideologías que tuvimos que haber enterrado hace mucho tiempo atrás.
La buena noticia es que esto lo logró Deng Xioping cuando tenía 74 años. Viendo alrededor, queridos presidentes, no veo a nadie que esté cerca de los 74 años. Por eso solo les pido que no esperemos a cumplirlos para hacer los cambios que tenemos que hacer. Muchas gracias".
May 10, 2009
Elections December 2009: Preliminary Survey of the Vote
MABB © ®
This is the first survey I see on the candidates for the coming December general elections. According to the results, which are good for April, Morales has 41% support, followed by Carlos Mesa with 7% (who said is not running), Victor Hugo Cardenas with 7% (who is not officially in the race yet, but already said will run), Jorge Quiroga with 6% and Ruben Costas with 5%.
Also, 60% of the people surveyed thought Morales will win the elections. Finally, 14% think Mesa and/or Quiroga are the best opposition candidates. Both are followed by Cardenas with 10% and Costas with 7%.
I will be willing to bet if such results keep coming up and the percentage of support for Mesa rise, he will change his mind. After all, the reason he ventured into politics, he said, is because he thought he had accumulated a certain amount of experience and knowledge which made him feel he could be ready for the presidency. So much for one's own view of one self!
Click on the image to see it larger!
La Prensa article
This is the first survey I see on the candidates for the coming December general elections. According to the results, which are good for April, Morales has 41% support, followed by Carlos Mesa with 7% (who said is not running), Victor Hugo Cardenas with 7% (who is not officially in the race yet, but already said will run), Jorge Quiroga with 6% and Ruben Costas with 5%.Also, 60% of the people surveyed thought Morales will win the elections. Finally, 14% think Mesa and/or Quiroga are the best opposition candidates. Both are followed by Cardenas with 10% and Costas with 7%.
I will be willing to bet if such results keep coming up and the percentage of support for Mesa rise, he will change his mind. After all, the reason he ventured into politics, he said, is because he thought he had accumulated a certain amount of experience and knowledge which made him feel he could be ready for the presidency. So much for one's own view of one self!
Click on the image to see it larger!
La Prensa article
May 03, 2009
The Assasination Plot in Bolivia
MABB © ®
As you very well may know the story about these "terrorists" who were in Bolivia and were planning to assassinate, among others, Evo Morales, goes on and on. The investigations are still underway but the verdicts are already out. Three people are dead and two are in jail. Of the latest, alleged terrorists, one is the Hungarian Elod Toaso.
The Bolivian government brands him as terrorist and his family in Hungary say he is an innocent young man. The sister, I think, sent me the website she (maybe they) built for him.
www.toasoelod.com
In it, they ask the European Union to take care of Toaso because he is innocent and his rights are being violated.
This situation can potentially be a strong blow for the government if it does not clarify the case. Especially, after the alleged terrorists were shot to death and some accounts have, again, alleged they were executed and not shot in fire exchange. The government can potentially come out in a bad light from this case not only internationally, due to the fact that some of those men were European citizens, but nationally because the memory of former military regimes is still fresh in the collective Bolivian memory.
As you very well may know the story about these "terrorists" who were in Bolivia and were planning to assassinate, among others, Evo Morales, goes on and on. The investigations are still underway but the verdicts are already out. Three people are dead and two are in jail. Of the latest, alleged terrorists, one is the Hungarian Elod Toaso.
The Bolivian government brands him as terrorist and his family in Hungary say he is an innocent young man. The sister, I think, sent me the website she (maybe they) built for him.
www.toasoelod.com
In it, they ask the European Union to take care of Toaso because he is innocent and his rights are being violated.
This situation can potentially be a strong blow for the government if it does not clarify the case. Especially, after the alleged terrorists were shot to death and some accounts have, again, alleged they were executed and not shot in fire exchange. The government can potentially come out in a bad light from this case not only internationally, due to the fact that some of those men were European citizens, but nationally because the memory of former military regimes is still fresh in the collective Bolivian memory.
April 30, 2009
The Electoral Season II
MABB © ®
The electoral season has already started in Bolivia. The general elections of December this year will be, yet again, one more important electoral event Bolivia will have to pass on its way to more stability. The clock has started to run and the different political groups are organizing themselves. One thing is certain, Evo Morales and Alvaro Garcia from MAS will run for re-election. What is left to be sorted out are the different opponents MAS will have.
In that respect, there are several interesting developments concerning MAS' support. Having into account that the last time MAS was up for vote in 2005, it got 54% of the vote. Even though this was a historic number, this time around, it doesn't seem as though MAS will reach anywhere near that far.
There were always rumors of rifts within the party. I've always heard rumors about differences between the so called "indigenous wing" in MAS and the "intellectual" win. The argument was that the objectives of the two were hardly reconcilable. In recent months those rifts have been brought to light. The most recent significant example of such rifts is Román Loayza's divorcing the party. He was, after all, the leader of the campesinos (CSUTCB) and founder of MAS, and thus a fundamental piece within the power structure of MAS. In the last few weeks, Loayza announced he will register a new political party and will run for election in December. This is the outcome of a long struggle within MAS between Loayza and Morales. Loayza left MAS complaining that Morales was surrounded by people who were taking advantage of the moment and had nothing to do with the indigenous movement MAS was. He especifically pointed at Walker San Miguel, Alfredo Rada and Juan Ramon Quintana. Loayza also said that he was told he was the "moral guardian" of the party and as such he would run for the presidency.
Since 2005, MAS lost valuable people in its ranks. Recently, the operative right hand of Morales, former YPFB director, Santos Ramirez, was thrown out of the party for corruption. He was caught receiving pay-offs from the state oil company's contractors. Also, MAS senators (Guido Guardia and Gerald Ortiz) declared themselves dissident and broke with the government's line. This resulted on MAS having 10 instead of 12 Senators and so losing influence in the Senate. In addition, former ideologue and founder of MAS as well, Filemon Escobar, also left MAS for disagreements with Morales. Lastly, a young cruceno woman, Adriana Gil, who had been credited with delivering significant support for Evo Morales in Santa Cruz, left the party because she felt the leadership did not recognized her efforts.
MAS has lost significant support since 2005. But, the biggest blow is the splitting of Román Loayza, who has a significant number of supporters among one of the largest groups within MAS, the peasants group.
Below, you see a picture of Adriana Gil, who is a very young (24 years old) political figure in Santa Cruz. She has recently said that she will support Romàn Loayza in his efforts to gain the presidency.
I was impressed by this young lady, in her courage to stand up for what she believes. She supported Morales in one of the most difficult regions to support someone like Morales. Yet, she helped him gain acceptance and, most importantly, votes in 2005. However, similarly disenchanted with what Morales is currently doing, she has left the party and is seeking now other ways to channel her energy and "political savvy". Just as an additional note in this post, is this the face of the future first elected woman President of Bolivia?
Links:
La Razón, Adriana Gil, Bottup, El Deber interview, El Deber attacks, El Deber cadidates 2004, Bolpress, Book on R Loayza, Ernesto Justiniano blog, La Prensa
The electoral season has already started in Bolivia. The general elections of December this year will be, yet again, one more important electoral event Bolivia will have to pass on its way to more stability. The clock has started to run and the different political groups are organizing themselves. One thing is certain, Evo Morales and Alvaro Garcia from MAS will run for re-election. What is left to be sorted out are the different opponents MAS will have.In that respect, there are several interesting developments concerning MAS' support. Having into account that the last time MAS was up for vote in 2005, it got 54% of the vote. Even though this was a historic number, this time around, it doesn't seem as though MAS will reach anywhere near that far.
There were always rumors of rifts within the party. I've always heard rumors about differences between the so called "indigenous wing" in MAS and the "intellectual" win. The argument was that the objectives of the two were hardly reconcilable. In recent months those rifts have been brought to light. The most recent significant example of such rifts is Román Loayza's divorcing the party. He was, after all, the leader of the campesinos (CSUTCB) and founder of MAS, and thus a fundamental piece within the power structure of MAS. In the last few weeks, Loayza announced he will register a new political party and will run for election in December. This is the outcome of a long struggle within MAS between Loayza and Morales. Loayza left MAS complaining that Morales was surrounded by people who were taking advantage of the moment and had nothing to do with the indigenous movement MAS was. He especifically pointed at Walker San Miguel, Alfredo Rada and Juan Ramon Quintana. Loayza also said that he was told he was the "moral guardian" of the party and as such he would run for the presidency.
Since 2005, MAS lost valuable people in its ranks. Recently, the operative right hand of Morales, former YPFB director, Santos Ramirez, was thrown out of the party for corruption. He was caught receiving pay-offs from the state oil company's contractors. Also, MAS senators (Guido Guardia and Gerald Ortiz) declared themselves dissident and broke with the government's line. This resulted on MAS having 10 instead of 12 Senators and so losing influence in the Senate. In addition, former ideologue and founder of MAS as well, Filemon Escobar, also left MAS for disagreements with Morales. Lastly, a young cruceno woman, Adriana Gil, who had been credited with delivering significant support for Evo Morales in Santa Cruz, left the party because she felt the leadership did not recognized her efforts.
MAS has lost significant support since 2005. But, the biggest blow is the splitting of Román Loayza, who has a significant number of supporters among one of the largest groups within MAS, the peasants group.
Below, you see a picture of Adriana Gil, who is a very young (24 years old) political figure in Santa Cruz. She has recently said that she will support Romàn Loayza in his efforts to gain the presidency.
I was impressed by this young lady, in her courage to stand up for what she believes. She supported Morales in one of the most difficult regions to support someone like Morales. Yet, she helped him gain acceptance and, most importantly, votes in 2005. However, similarly disenchanted with what Morales is currently doing, she has left the party and is seeking now other ways to channel her energy and "political savvy". Just as an additional note in this post, is this the face of the future first elected woman President of Bolivia?
Links:
La Razón, Adriana Gil, Bottup, El Deber interview, El Deber attacks, El Deber cadidates 2004, Bolpress, Book on R Loayza, Ernesto Justiniano blog, La Prensa
April 26, 2009
Electoral Season in Bolivia
MABB © ®
The electoral season is taking shape and the possible candidates for the December general elections are taking their first steps. In the course of last week, former Vicepresident during the first term of Sanchez de Lozada, Victor Hugo Cardenas has decided to confirm his intention to run for president. Cardenas, of Aymara descent, said he is working on his candidacy's bureaucratic process, on his financing and his coalition building.
Cardenas is a clear rival for Morales and one of the many candidates with indigenous roots expected to take part in the elections this time around. He has the potential to attract adherents not only in the Altiplano, which is where he comes from, but also in the Eastern lowlands of the country. The Santa Cruz Prefect, Ruben Costas, has put emphasis on building a national coalition to confront the government in the elections. Cardenas might just be the candidate of elections for this coalition.
Meanwhile, on the part of the government some problems emerge on the horizon. Most important is the erosion of support within the ranks of MAS. In the last weeks the indigenous of the Eastern lowlands have expressed their desire to "revise" their relationship with the government. The CIDOB (Confederacion de Indigenas del Oriente de Bolivia) were upset the government did not pressed on the number of "special districts" for indigenous in the new Congress. The new electoral law only has 8 of these districts and not 14 as it was demanded by indigenous groups. With that, the seats for CIDOB were eliminated.
But the MAS' problems do not end there. A now dissident, founder and former leader of MAS, Roman Loayza, has been hinting at joining the elections as candidate. Loayza has criticized before some of the decisions Morales has taken regarding his cabinet. Specifically, Loayza dislikes the presence of Alfredo Rada, Juan Ramon Quintana and the Peredo brothers whom he links with traditional parties and says have hijacked Morales and the presidency. Loayza argues that there are a number of groups unhappy with morales' performance, namely the indigenous faction with in MAS. He cites as examples his travels and conversations with indigenous people in Santa Cruz, Beni and Pando. At the same time, some signs of dissatisfaction come from the Santa Cruz neighborhood and MAS stronghold, Plan 3000.
Also signs of dissatisfaction are shown in El Alto. The city's council member, Roberto de la Cruz, has expressed he has been approached by groups unhappy about the way Morales has been governing and has been urged to seek his candidacy. That way bringing an alternative to MAS.
On the electoral race there is already Rene Joaquino of AS in Potosi who has also announced his candidacy. This is another potential problem for MAS since it is bound to split the vote in Potosi. In any case, Loayza and Joaquino are in conversations about a possible coalition. So there might be a new coalition coming.
Another indigenous or campesino announcing his candidacy was Alejo Veliz of Cochabamba.
So it seems MAS has its problems. Support might be dwindling due to Morales' decision to stick with the people around him or it might just be a strategy to win the 2/3 majority in the next Congress.
I explain myself. In the elections for the Constituent Assembly, a strategy MAS used was to present itself, at the local level, with a different name altogether. This was to adjust itself to local conditions and to somehow distract the opposition. After the candidates were elected, these allied with MAS. In the end MAS had a majority, very close to a super majority. Simple! If this strategy paid off in 2006, it might just be that MAS wants to use it again in December 2009. It might just be that Loayza, Veliz, Gil and others are just pretending to split from MAS to gain the votes and later on ally with MAS. After all, this is the government who said they were just bluffing in the new constitution negotiations with the opposition in Congress so they would get just what they wanted in the end. Let's remember that.
Links:
La Prensa.
The electoral season is taking shape and the possible candidates for the December general elections are taking their first steps. In the course of last week, former Vicepresident during the first term of Sanchez de Lozada, Victor Hugo Cardenas has decided to confirm his intention to run for president. Cardenas, of Aymara descent, said he is working on his candidacy's bureaucratic process, on his financing and his coalition building.
Cardenas is a clear rival for Morales and one of the many candidates with indigenous roots expected to take part in the elections this time around. He has the potential to attract adherents not only in the Altiplano, which is where he comes from, but also in the Eastern lowlands of the country. The Santa Cruz Prefect, Ruben Costas, has put emphasis on building a national coalition to confront the government in the elections. Cardenas might just be the candidate of elections for this coalition.
Meanwhile, on the part of the government some problems emerge on the horizon. Most important is the erosion of support within the ranks of MAS. In the last weeks the indigenous of the Eastern lowlands have expressed their desire to "revise" their relationship with the government. The CIDOB (Confederacion de Indigenas del Oriente de Bolivia) were upset the government did not pressed on the number of "special districts" for indigenous in the new Congress. The new electoral law only has 8 of these districts and not 14 as it was demanded by indigenous groups. With that, the seats for CIDOB were eliminated.
But the MAS' problems do not end there. A now dissident, founder and former leader of MAS, Roman Loayza, has been hinting at joining the elections as candidate. Loayza has criticized before some of the decisions Morales has taken regarding his cabinet. Specifically, Loayza dislikes the presence of Alfredo Rada, Juan Ramon Quintana and the Peredo brothers whom he links with traditional parties and says have hijacked Morales and the presidency. Loayza argues that there are a number of groups unhappy with morales' performance, namely the indigenous faction with in MAS. He cites as examples his travels and conversations with indigenous people in Santa Cruz, Beni and Pando. At the same time, some signs of dissatisfaction come from the Santa Cruz neighborhood and MAS stronghold, Plan 3000.
Also signs of dissatisfaction are shown in El Alto. The city's council member, Roberto de la Cruz, has expressed he has been approached by groups unhappy about the way Morales has been governing and has been urged to seek his candidacy. That way bringing an alternative to MAS.
On the electoral race there is already Rene Joaquino of AS in Potosi who has also announced his candidacy. This is another potential problem for MAS since it is bound to split the vote in Potosi. In any case, Loayza and Joaquino are in conversations about a possible coalition. So there might be a new coalition coming.
Another indigenous or campesino announcing his candidacy was Alejo Veliz of Cochabamba.
So it seems MAS has its problems. Support might be dwindling due to Morales' decision to stick with the people around him or it might just be a strategy to win the 2/3 majority in the next Congress.
I explain myself. In the elections for the Constituent Assembly, a strategy MAS used was to present itself, at the local level, with a different name altogether. This was to adjust itself to local conditions and to somehow distract the opposition. After the candidates were elected, these allied with MAS. In the end MAS had a majority, very close to a super majority. Simple! If this strategy paid off in 2006, it might just be that MAS wants to use it again in December 2009. It might just be that Loayza, Veliz, Gil and others are just pretending to split from MAS to gain the votes and later on ally with MAS. After all, this is the government who said they were just bluffing in the new constitution negotiations with the opposition in Congress so they would get just what they wanted in the end. Let's remember that.
Links:
La Prensa.
April 16, 2009
A Peek Into the New Electoral Law
MABB © ®
This is a short and preliminary look into the new Bolivian electoral law. It is also opportune to mention that there are apparently many versions circulating. Until the government publishes the law in the official newspaper (Gaceta Oficial), there will be doubts. The version I got comes from Congress. Thank you Mariana!
Characteristics
The law has 75 articles and 8 final regulations.
Citizens older than 18 years of age can vote (before there was a proposal by the government to let 16 year olds vote). One has to be registered and eligible to vote.
To promote gender equality each candidate list will have to alternate between men and women. In the single districts, the alternating principle will also be applied. The exceptions are the candidates for the special indigenous seats. In this case, they can apply their own rules.
The current electoral courts officials are to remain in their posts until the members of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (national and departmental) are elected.
There will be a new voter registration list, which will use biometric data as well as ID number, RUN or military service number.
People who cannot run for election are: government officials, ministers and military personnel in active service who did not resign from their post at least 3 months before election day; directors in "transnational companies" who did not resignt at least 5 years before election day; citizens who are in prison and owe the state.
The law calls for general elections and autonomic referenda on December 6, 2009 and for elections of departmetnal executives and assembies as well as municipal authorities on April 4, 2010.
Election procedures
President and Vicepresident - 51% + (absolute majority) or at least 40% with a minimum 10% difference with the second runner up. If no candidate winns, there will be a second round of elections (within 60 days) between the two most voted candidates. He or she who wins with a simple majority will win.
Legislative Plurinational Assembly - it is composed of the Chamber of Deputies and the Chamber of Senators. The lower chamber will be made up of 130 seats, from which 68 will be uninominal (single district/simple majority/based on population and territory) and 54 plurinominal (party lists headed by President and VP/proportional representation) and 8 "special indigenous" seats (simple majority/indigenous districts). The upper chamber will be made up of 36 members, 4 in each department. They will be elected according to proportional representation system as well.
Departmental executives - Governors or Prefects can be elected; in all departments, except in Santa Cruz, Governors or Prefects can be elected by simple majority (in Santa Cruz absolute majority is necessary). In Santa Cruz there will be a second round if necessary between the two most voted candidates (similar to the national level). There is the possibility to resign or bein recalled.
Departmental Assemblies in Beni, Tarija, Pando and Santa Cruz - In Beni the assembly is made up of 3 representatives of each departmental province, two indigenous and two campesinos (peasants) seats. In Tarija there will be 30 seats, 12 per province, 15 according to population and 3 indigenous seats. In Pando there will be one representative per municipality and one indigenous representative. In Santa Cruz a total of 28 seats, of which one representative for each of the 15 provinces, five indigenous seats and 8 seats according to population in each province.
This is a short and preliminary look into the new Bolivian electoral law. It is also opportune to mention that there are apparently many versions circulating. Until the government publishes the law in the official newspaper (Gaceta Oficial), there will be doubts. The version I got comes from Congress. Thank you Mariana!
Characteristics
The law has 75 articles and 8 final regulations.
Citizens older than 18 years of age can vote (before there was a proposal by the government to let 16 year olds vote). One has to be registered and eligible to vote.
To promote gender equality each candidate list will have to alternate between men and women. In the single districts, the alternating principle will also be applied. The exceptions are the candidates for the special indigenous seats. In this case, they can apply their own rules.
The current electoral courts officials are to remain in their posts until the members of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (national and departmental) are elected.
There will be a new voter registration list, which will use biometric data as well as ID number, RUN or military service number.
People who cannot run for election are: government officials, ministers and military personnel in active service who did not resign from their post at least 3 months before election day; directors in "transnational companies" who did not resignt at least 5 years before election day; citizens who are in prison and owe the state.
The law calls for general elections and autonomic referenda on December 6, 2009 and for elections of departmetnal executives and assembies as well as municipal authorities on April 4, 2010.
Election procedures
President and Vicepresident - 51% + (absolute majority) or at least 40% with a minimum 10% difference with the second runner up. If no candidate winns, there will be a second round of elections (within 60 days) between the two most voted candidates. He or she who wins with a simple majority will win.
Legislative Plurinational Assembly - it is composed of the Chamber of Deputies and the Chamber of Senators. The lower chamber will be made up of 130 seats, from which 68 will be uninominal (single district/simple majority/based on population and territory) and 54 plurinominal (party lists headed by President and VP/proportional representation) and 8 "special indigenous" seats (simple majority/indigenous districts). The upper chamber will be made up of 36 members, 4 in each department. They will be elected according to proportional representation system as well.
Departmental executives - Governors or Prefects can be elected; in all departments, except in Santa Cruz, Governors or Prefects can be elected by simple majority (in Santa Cruz absolute majority is necessary). In Santa Cruz there will be a second round if necessary between the two most voted candidates (similar to the national level). There is the possibility to resign or bein recalled.
Departmental Assemblies in Beni, Tarija, Pando and Santa Cruz - In Beni the assembly is made up of 3 representatives of each departmental province, two indigenous and two campesinos (peasants) seats. In Tarija there will be 30 seats, 12 per province, 15 according to population and 3 indigenous seats. In Pando there will be one representative per municipality and one indigenous representative. In Santa Cruz a total of 28 seats, of which one representative for each of the 15 provinces, five indigenous seats and 8 seats according to population in each province.
April 15, 2009
Electoral Law Passed
MABB © ®
On Tuesday, April 14, 2009, at 4.04 am, the Bolivian Congress passed the new "transitory" Electoral Law wich has 75 articles and 8 disposiciones transitorias (additional rules). With this, this and next year's electoral schedule are set. The major decisions are:
How the negotiation went:
At one point, the opposition and MAS could not agree on how voters might register. The opposition questioned the documents required to register, namely it was agains the use of passports, the RUN (Registro Unico Nacional), and the military service document. Their main concern was falsification. In the end the documents were left the way they were.
The opposition wants the resignation of the National Electoral Court, Mr. Exeni.
Some links:
Law 1660, Law 1245, La Razon article.
On Tuesday, April 14, 2009, at 4.04 am, the Bolivian Congress passed the new "transitory" Electoral Law wich has 75 articles and 8 disposiciones transitorias (additional rules). With this, this and next year's electoral schedule are set. The major decisions are:
- The creation of a biometric voter registration system (Art. 19).
- General elections on December 6, 2009 - This means re-election for Morales and Garcia and the election of members of Congress (Art. 25).
- At the same time there will be referenums on autonomy for the departments of La Paz, Cochabamba, Potosí, Chuquisaca and Oruro.
- In addition, there will also be a referendum on regional autonomy for the Gran Chaco province
- On April 4, 2010 there will be municipal and departmental elections when Prefects and Mayors will be elected (Art. 26).
- In the last minute it was decided to set the "special" indigenous seats to 7 instead of 8 due to the intervention of the Chuquisaca faction.
- The Vocales (people who make decisions in the National Electoral Court) will remain there until the next elections (Art. 13).
- The President and Vicepresident winner will be elected by obteined votes of 50+1 per cent or 40+ per cent with a minimum 10 per cent difference with the second winner.
- There will be 4 Senators per Department and 130 Deputies in the lower chamber (single district and party lists) (Art. 32, 35, 39).
How the negotiation went:
At one point, the opposition and MAS could not agree on how voters might register. The opposition questioned the documents required to register, namely it was agains the use of passports, the RUN (Registro Unico Nacional), and the military service document. Their main concern was falsification. In the end the documents were left the way they were.
The opposition wants the resignation of the National Electoral Court, Mr. Exeni.
Some links:
Law 1660, Law 1245, La Razon article.
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